The L2 Acquisition of /r/

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Abstract
Four German children aged 4–9 learned English as their second language (L2) the natural way, i.e. without formal teaching. They acquired the local L2 /r/ – Which varied from central frictionless continuant to retroflex – in the same developmental sequence. The first non-zero substitute for the L2 /r/ was [w], then a frictionless continuant [ɹ] and, finally, a retroflex [r]. Additional evidence from other first-language (LI) and L2 studies suggests that, at least under non-school-room conditions, the L2 acquisition of the various types of r’s is not accomplished by relying on the prior LI /r/. This contrasts sharply with the acquisition of other types of phonetic-phonological elements like the L2 target vowels, plosives, and others, which are first replaced by LI elements.

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