Context-sensitive underspecification and the acquisition of phonemic contrasts

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Abstract
Several competing proposals for the (under)specification of phonological representations are evaluated against the facts of phonemic acquisition. Longitudinal evidence relating to the emergence of a voice contrast in the well-documented study of Amahl (from age 2;2 to 3;11) is reconsidered. Neither contrastive specification nor context-free radical underspecification is capable of accounting for the facts. The problem is in the characterization of the change in the status of a feature from being noncontrastive and conditioned by context at one stage to being contrastive with phonetic effects that diffuse gradually through the lexicon. Both frameworks must treat as accidental the persistence of the early substitution pattern and require the postulation of wholesale changes in underlying representations, where these changes do not accord well with the observed phonetic changes or with the facts available to the learner. Context-sensitive radical underspecification provides a plausible account of each stage and the transition between stages with minimal grammar change.